DIPLOMACY

HE Ihor Charczenko

Henryk Suchar: You’ve only arrived in Warsaw at your post. What priorities will be defined by your activities in Poland?
IHOR CHARCZENKO: The guiding idea, the theme of my mission, will be care for and deepening the unique ties which have been built between Ukraine and Poland. We are connected by a strategic partnership. They are approaching very close and friendly contacts. This is colossal potential. Of course there are issues which need to be solved but I don’t see any fundamental problems that might divide us. The essential issue is the shape of our mutual relations after your entry into the European Union. I think that, all things considered, we have parallel political, economic, social and humanitarian interests.

Doesn’t the issue of visas cause friction or misunderstanding?
In the minds of my compatriots, the dissolution of the USSR and the resultant freedom and ease of movement are special values. We have become accustomed to this level of freedom. Millions of Ukrainians traveled to Poland – as many as 10 million crossed the border each year. From the beginning of October (and the introduction of the mandatory visa) to the end of November 2003, Polish consulates issued 110,000 visas. The visa dilemma was solved through partnership, like good neighbors. We highly appreciate that gesture from Poland – Poland is our gate to Europe. It is good that the gate will remain, all things considered, open.

What does the slogan new neighborhood, extended by the EU, which will determine relations between countries outside of the EU and Brussels, mean to Kiev?
In my opinion, it is Poland that understands well our concerns and aspirations. Poland does not limit itself to generalities and run-of-the-mill declarations. It rightly underlines that each country should be approached individually, specifically. It believes that Ukraine should know that one day it will be accepted to the European club – that these are our prospects.

Did Russia abandon its efforts to hold back Ukraine and turn the country from its path to the West?
The Russian Federation is our strategic partner, just like Poland or the United States. In the past, after the breakup of the USSR, for many years there were claims that NATO was aimed at Russia. This stereotype envisioning NATO as an enemy was deeply rooted in the Russian mind and a significant part of the Ukrainian nation. These stereotypes are not easy to get rid of, which is why some Russian and Ukrainian politicians must overcome these fears and old insecurities. Maybe someone in Moscow doesn’t like the prospect of Ukraine’s eventual membership in NATO or the EU. Maybe it evokes unpleasant associations for someone there. However, it is important that at the official level no one is speaking like this today. I think that among other things the conflict-free entry and participation of Poland in NATO has helped dispel the objections and fears of Russian to a considerable extent.

Is the saying that democracy in Russia ends where the Ukrainian question begins known?
That is truly said. Although on the official level there is no controversy between us today. Nevertheless some Russians find it difficult today to accept the fact that Ukraine is an independent country. These attitudes sometimes emerge. Recently, however, traditional, deeply rooted thoughts are evolving and mainly because the global order looks differently than it did two years ago.

What can other countries do to strengthen Ukrainian sovereignty, guarantee its irreversibility? Will Russia’s economic expansion onto Ukrainian territory threaten its independence?
The establishment of independence is a crucial task for each state. I think that a strong, firmly standing Ukraine is in the interest of the Republic of Poland. Our successes, in turn, are celebrated in Poland because they are inspiring. I assert that Warsaw could still do much for Kiev. It is key that the Ukraine have its “Ambassador” in the EU, a friendly country that can preserve the conviction in Brussels that the expansion process should be open and uninterrupted.

Does that involve Poland playing the role of a kind of European prompter, a kind proxy for Ukraine in Europe?
You could say that. Poland, however, politely reminds others of the position, meaning and intentions of Ukraine. It was the Polish Pope who actually underlined the civilizational unity of the continent. It is important to us that Europe as a uniform organism is realized, manifested as a historic being, with the Ukraine as an inseparable element of that whole. Ukrainians themselves today are clearly in favor of membership in the EU and NATO but – on the other hand – they also do not want to cut ties with Russia. This is a challenge for our foreign policy.

The conflict concerning Tuzla island doesn’t reflect well on Russia. The dam built without the permission of Kiev. Then, in Moscow, the hawks of Russian foreign policy like Dmitrij Rogozin or Władimir Żyrinowski laughed at Ukrainian defense of that sovereign piece of territory.
The list of discrepancies between Russia and Ukraine is steadily shrinking. However, sometimes unexpectedly such issues arise, like Tuzla. I already mentioned the expression of traditional thinking. We honestly believed that some matters had long been resolved. Therefore we were amazed at Russia’s actions. Now passions have cooled. I must stress that Polish evaluations and reactions to that event were sufficient – accurate and balanced. Poland has a wonderful diplomatic apparatus.

Thank you.

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