FRANCE - GREAT BRITAIN

At one time France played an important role as a major destination for political emigration. It is precisely in Paris following the November uprising that the insurgents found shelter. The Great Emigration, whose most important political center was the Lambert Hotel, developed a way of thinking about the fight for independence but also provided a political semblance of party action to all those for whom such activity was important. Many more Poles immigrated to Northern France in search of a better living, particularly miners, during the 1920s and 30s. The Polish population was therefore considerable. Moreover, it is estimated today that around one million Poles and individuals with Polish roots live in France.

Jerzy Giedroyc, the creator of Kultura, did not intend to influence the Polish community. From the very beginning he believed that the primary focus of the activities of political emigration was to influence western politicians on one hand and shape political thinking within the Polish intellectual elite on the other. In discussing Kultura’s strategy, Krzysztof Pomian* wrote: “According to Giedroyc, who on this point differed significantly from emigration authorities, it was not enough to see communism exclusively as a tool of Russia’s imperial expansion, nor to assign its successes merely to sudden force aided by cowardice and submissiveness in the West.” Giedroyc believed, however, that reality should be accepted for what it is – for him this lack of realism was reflected in the singular concept of Poland as a pre-war state, including Lviv and western Ukraine, but extending to the Odra and Nysa to the West, as it was seen by emigrants in legal circles (such maps still hang today in many respected Polish institutions in London). At the same time, he wanted Kultura to be – as he wrote in a letter to Jerzy Stemplowski – “a harbor for oppressed revisionists.” A similar position was adopted by those who cooperated with Kultura, among others Juliusz Mieroszewski, a talented publicist living in London and entirely isolated from that particular Polish community, as well as another lone figure from Switzerland, Jerzy Stempowski, who wrote: “I always considered the reprimand of Bierut and Warsaw communists to be nonsense.”

It might seem that Giedroyc should have received political changes in Poland with enthusiasm. Nothing could be farther from the truth. He was in fact deeply disappointed with the direction those changes took and – perhaps even more – with the level of the Polish political elite. Never did more bitter articles about the situation in Poland appear on the pages of his publication than after 1989. Following his death and in accordance with the wishes of its editor-in-chief, Kultura was shut down. Today Maison Lafitte is only an archive, diligently organized by a group of enthusiasts. Aside from a bulletin put out by the local Polish Catholic Mission, there is no publication in France in the Polish language. Although French citizens of Polish heritage have prosperous careers, it would be difficult to speak of a politically organized French Polonia with a position that is in any way significant.

The situation on the other side of the La Manche Channel was entirely different. Before the outbreak of the Second World War, there were only a few thousand Poles living in Great Britain. The first wave of Polish refugees arrived on the island after the defeat of France in 1940. It was here that the Polish government relocated. Despite the war, Poles began to organize their lives. The first publications were established (founded in July 1940 and published till today, Dziennik Polski (The Polish Daily) is still the only daily issued in Western Europe – a true phenomenon on a global scale) alongside theaters, clubs, cafes, etc. The army was stationed first and foremost in Sweden. Even today men of “a certain age” recall with a gleam in their eyes Polish soldiers, men who supposedly did more for Polish-Swedish relations than London politicians who operated in their own little world.

Soon after the war close to 200,000 soldiers and civilians were residing in Great Britain, mainly those made their way through the Soviet Union, but also those who were liberated from POW and concentration camps on Germany territory. Their refusal to return to Poland represented a political stance with respect to the postwar reality. One of the deciding factors was that a considerable majority of these individuals had no where to return to – their homes were on the other side of the demarcation created by the Curzon line, first conceptualized during the Polish-Bolshevik war and suddenly elevated to the status of a national border.

The primary element that shaped emigration activities throughout the postwar period, which also meant that its works were passed over in silence in communist Poland, was the existence of a Polish government in exile, representing a continuation of Polish rule prior to September 1939. This legal emigration, whose authority and position was based on its constitutional right to rule, attempted to represent Poland to the West for an entire decade in an effort to avoid being treated like an internal problem of the Soviet bloc. Paradoxically, the emigration community that did not clothe itself in legalism had a greater, more concrete influence on developments in Poland than the more formally organized London community.

At the same time in London, in contrast to the Paris community, work began on the construction of “Poland outside of Poland.” Many Poles of this generation lived in isolation from English reality for a long time. This was also a result of the ambiguous feeling of many Brits toward Poles. On one hand, Winston Churchill said: “Her Majesty’s government will never forget the debt they owe to the Polish troops who have served them so valiantly and for all those who have fought under our command…,” on the other Poles were encouraged to return to their country of origin. Morover, for the average man the Pole was a competitor on the labor market and in the newly created universal heath care system. This situation changed with time. In the 1960s Poles earned a reputation as good employees, reliable citizens who focused on family life.

Politically speaking, the London emigration was rather unified on the major issues. Despite eternal squabbles and party quarrels, the conviction prevailed that Poland’s situation could only be changed thanks to a significant shift in international relations. All forms of cooperation with Poles arriving from the country were rejected, even with scientists and writers. In justifying this stance, General Anders maintained that this absolutely did not represent a separation from Poland, writing that: “We are wary, however, of contact with people who accommodatingly come to us with open support from the regime to play a false role with the intent of weakening us politically.”** This position was also applied to contacts with later national opposition, which grew in the 1970s, particularly since this group did not call upon the slogans of independence and terminology of the Second Republic. It meant that events in Poland of 1970, 1976 and finally 1980 were received with incredulity and a large dose of skepticism, which did not hinder the organization of large-scale protests as well as aid campaigns for victims of the regime and concrete, financial support for KOR, among others.

The introduction of Martial Law and subsequent addition of about 3,000 Poles who remained in Great Britain put the “old” emigrants in a position of having to coexist with the new arrivals, which soon began to establish their own organizations. It was not an easy existence. The new immigrants treated the PRL as their home country. Their political horizon did not extend to prewar Poland and referred to the terminology of Solidarity, which – although received favorably – was foreign to emigrants of the older generation. These new emigrants did not raise the issue of independence, nor did they postulate on the return of eastern lands taken by the Soviet Union. Their goal was not abandonment of the planned economy of communist and the return of capitalism. This group was able to communicate more effectively with the children of earlier emigrants, raised in the patriotic spirit, for whom the world of their parents was impossible to understand.

The breakthrough events of 1989-90 were observed in Polish London with mixed feelings. Negotiations with communist authorities were recognized as a necessity, but when they were underway, London hesitated to give its unconditional support. London was divided into supporters and opponents of the agreement struck around the Round Table. The latter were decidedly more vocal and expounded on their laments in the emigration press. Supporters of the deliberations made no attempt to gain access to emigration publications. At the same time, London displayed a tendency to overestimate the groupings whose foundation was the consitution of 1935 and the “idea and moral inspiration” of authorities in exile. Most Polish activists of the opposition either had heard nothing of the president and government in London or, having heard, treated it as an anachronism without special significance.

Polish independence came too late for most emigrants. These individuals, hardened in battle, who found meaning in life in carrying the torch of freedom, remembered their country of origin as it was before the war. Modern Poland is an unfamiliar place which they are unable to fathom and this is completely understandable. They are also unable (this applies to at least some emigrants) to shake off distrust of those who grew up in the Polish People’s Republic (PRL), who – it is believed – must have absorbed that ideology. The Third Republic has existed for some time now, yet new Polish arrivals are still referred to as “those from the PRL” with a certain feeling of superiority.

Young, well-educated British citizens of Polish origin have been much more adept at adjusting to these new conditions. At one time 6,000 of them worked in Poland. Some have made careers, such as Jacek Rostowski, one of Leszek Balcerowicz’s advisors, or Janusz Bugajski, director of an institute that addresses issues connection with Central and Eastern Europe in Washington.

In one sense the model of London emigration was successful. Years of operation and the influence accumulated during that period have leant it considerable strength. Many organizations founded half a century ago, such as the Associate of Polish Combatants or Ognisko Polskie (PECC), still exist. Zjednoczenie Polskie (Federation of Poles in Great Britain is now an umbrella organization affiliating over 80 organizations. Also significant is the existence of a Polish Cultural-Community Center, where a host of Polish institutions are headquartered alongside galleries, theaters, libraries, bookstores, cafes, restaurants and pubs. The center is not only familiar to emigrants, but also to brief visitors to the city on the Thames.

Unfortunately, none of the “Solidarity” organizations survived the test of time. This was perhaps due to the fact that there were few true political activists within the emigrants of the 1980s and most of them returned to Poland after the systemic transformations. However, new organizations were created and others reshaped their statutes in order to make them accessible to new arrivals. One of the most dynamic is the Polish-British Business Association (PEBA). Its members, young businessmen and employees of London City meet both informally as well as organize charity campaigns and European lectures. Many of them were born in Great Britain, but also lived in Poland for a few years or have done business with the homeland of their parents. In recent years Great Britain has become home to many Polish enterprises – from small stores to renown restaurants. The Baltic, run by Andrzej Woronecki, is one of the most popular establishments among young City businessmen.

London emigration, divided on many issues, speaks with one voice on two fronts: in support of Poland’s entry into NATO and the European Union. In Great Britain Zjednoczenie Polskie conducted a six-year campaign for this purpose, organizing, among others, meetings with British, Polish, EU and candidate state politicians. Through the Polish-British Parliamentary Representation, which affiliates deputies of all political fractions, Zjednoczenie initiated European debates in House of Commons. The letter written by the president of Zjednoczenie Polskie concerning Nice and sent to British parliamentarians received over 200 responses. At one time Zjednoczenie stepped in to defend maturation exams in Polish (the issue was brought to the House of Commons) as well as spoke out against overly restrictive treatment of Poles crossing the border.

The sale of the former headquarters of the Polish president in London together with the funds collected for the National Treasury became the foundation for the establishment of the Polonia Aid Foundation Trust. Various enterprises of a cultural nature are financed with the interest from this capital. Two other funds – Dzienisiewicz, created within the framework of a last will and testament on behalf of the Association of Polish Technicians (one of the organizations that is just as dynamic as it was years ago) and the Grabowski Fund – provide annual scholarships for youth from Poland. The Grabowski Fund also finances the School of Slavonic and East European Studies. Interest in Poland is also reflected in the Polish departments that have appeared in recent years at Oxford and Glasgow.

How many Poles currently live in Great Britain? During the general census in 2001, 60,000 people declared that they were born in Poland. This group is shrinking every year – in the census of 1991 this declaration was made by 70,000 respondents. To this figure we should add twice as many people with Polish roots, who still feel connected to their Polish identity (this group includes former Minister for Europe Denis McShane). Every year Great Britain is visited by approximately 200,000 tourists. It is estimated that one fourth of those visitors extends their stay. The Ministry of Internal Affairs refuses to comment on estimates of 100,000 immigrants. In comparison with the United States, Germany or France, Poles are not a significant minority in Great Britain. Nonetheless, they are a visible and dynamic group. In the words of the president of Zjednoczenia Jan Mokrzycki, this is because Poles never asked for anything and satisfied their needs within the framework of their own organizational structures. This is one of the consequences of the operation of a “state in exile,” in which one of the most important elements was an ethos of community work.

* Jerzy Giedroyc - Julisz Mieroszewski. Letter from 1949-1956. Kultura archives from an introduction in the Mieroszewski Chronicles p. 14.