THE OPPOSITION IN BELARUS

Alexander Milinkiewicz

Does the Belarussian opposition have a single leader?
At the congress of united democratic groups, held in October 2005, I was the only candidate proposed by the opposition to stand for the presidency. Our own estimates of the support I received, backed by independent sociologists, were that about 30% of Belarussians voted for me. I am currently the leader of the political council of 10 united opposition parties, so I am a political leader in this sense. The council decides the strategy, the operating tactics and on the preparations to the next elections.

Ten parties – is that the whole of the opposition?
There are more parties, some of them are not registered, but only ten appear jointly. We can add to that over 200 non-governmental organisations. This is how the democratic opposition looks in Belarus.

Does this coalition have a joint name, a common symbol?
We do not have a name, but we have recently launched a campaign with the slogan “Za Swabodu” (“For Freedom”) and this aim unites us. The Za Svabodu social movement started as a result of this year’s spring presidential campaign. We were approached then by a huge number of new people, mostly the young, who do not want to belong to any party or any non-governmental organisation, but want to do things, want to volunteer their time to work for democracy and self-determination. So I started the Za Swabodu movement to widen the scope of our activities, so that we do not just concentrate on political parties, which in our situation are not very strong. We will not and do not want to build an organisation just to have our own political apparatus. We are helping people to form active civil societies, but without forcing them to join already existing structures, because they do not want that.

The opposition in Belarus is growing, but it still seems quite weak.
When you are under a dictatorship, you cannot talk about development of a civil society. A state run by a dictator is dependent on fear, which causes society to be apathetic. It is hard for people to take an active part in the opposition, when this may be punished by: dismissal from work, getting beaten-up, finding oneself arrested, or being criminally prosecuted. If you take these factors into account, you can see that the opposition is strong. Please remember that after the spring demonstrations over a thousand people were arrested temporarily and hundreds of students were thrown out of universities. It is not easy for us to build the foundations of democracy but most Belarussians want change and it could be seen easily during the spring elections which I won in the large cities, despite not having access to radio nor television and starting from a position with public support at only 1.5%. My success in the polls was thanks to the emerging Belarussian civil society.

How do you see Belarus’s future? With Russia or as a sovereign state?
Without a doubt, the majority of Belarussians want to live in an independent state. Russia will always be a strategic partner for us and the development of trade relations is essential for us. We have opinion poll results showing that the majority of Belarussians would want the country to join the European Union, but we understand that this will be a very long road. We have to therefore make use of what our nearest European neighbour, Poland, can offer us. Belarus has a European history and we do not see ourselves anywhere but within a united Europe.

What is your assessment of Putin’s policy regarding Lukaszenko?
Ten years ago Lukaszenko announced that he will be building a political alliance with Russia which would lead to the joining of the two countries under the working name of the Union of Belarus and Russia. Lukaszenko’s dream was to take power over in the Kremlin. After Jeltsyn’s departure that dream became unrealistic. When Putin won for the first time, Lukaszenko stopped insisting that the two states should join together. One should add that Russia’s political elite is interested in a union, as it would be a step towards rebuilding the empire within the old borders. Putin has become tired and disenchanted with Lukaszenko’s behaviour and this is one of the reasons for the conflicts over the prices and supplies of oil and gas.

Is it now a deadlock situation?
Lukaszenko will never give up his plans to become a tsar in Moscow, even though he knows that he has no chance because Russia will not allow it. Notice that Lukaszenko is popular in Russian society particularly in the regions. If the elections were free, he would have a strong chance in a united state.

Of winning the vice presidency?
No, the presidency. Lukaszenko is a really talented populist. He is more popular in Russia than in Belarus, because he has been ruling in our country now for 12 years and we have got to know him. But in Russia, Lukaszenko is feted for stopping the oligarchs buying up the country and preventing the destruction of factories and collective farms and for standing up to the United States and looking after the common man. He plays on their emotions and on their nostalgia for the old empire, a feeling which runs very deeply in Russia.

How does society assess Lukaszenko’s rule?
Variously. The old socialist bedrock of society, which will always support him, accounts for about 20%. A further 25-30% are people who support freedom and rapid change. The remaining 50% are the undecided, in other words, those who do not believe Lukaszenko, but still are not convinced by or fear democratic change.

Who supports Lukaszenko?
Mainly the less-well educated, the elderly and those living in the countryside. On our side we have the young, the educated and the business community.

What does it mean to you to have won the Andrei Sacharov prize which was awarded you by the European Parliament for your struggle for human rights and democracy?
I received the news about the award very emotionally. I feel really very honoured but I must say that this is an award for the whole of the Belarussian civil society, for the young people who went out onto the streets to protest and made a very big impression on Belarussians and on other communities in democratic countries. The Belarussians’ struggle with the regime this spring deserved recognition

Is this award also in some way your security guarantee against harassment by the state?
In some sense, yes. Such awards and meetings with leaders of democratic states always give a certain feeling of security, albeit incomplete. If the authorities decide that Milinkiewicz should be locked up in jail, they will do it anyway. However, at the moment I do not feel that I am personally being curbed in any specific way. More likely my three sons are under a greater threat.

Does the European Union give sufficient support to the Belarussian opposition?
In the moral sense European support is huge. It is very important and we value it highly. I must admit, however, that the European Union has not found any formula or mechanism for supporting civil societies’ movements for democracy in countries which are under dictatorships. I am thinking here of supporting national media and people fighting with the dictatorship, many of whom are unemployed. The problems are legion.

Are you expecting financial or organisational assistance?
Every dictatorship is based on lying and on a total denial of access to independent news, so support for the media is the basis of assistance to democratic movements. We need free radio and television channels broadcast from outside our borders, in this case from Poland and support for these initiatives is essential. It is important to be able to publish local newspapers and newsletters which will bring the real news to the villages and the small towns. Our non-governmental organisations also need financial support. They are very numerous and are well-developed even in small towns and regions. Their situation is particularly difficult because they are not supported financially by local business because it is frightened off by the authorities. Without external support civil society will simply not survive.

Do you not fear that large and vociferous support will increase the level of repression meted out by the authorities?
Today’s situation in Belarus is similar to Poland’s during “Solidarność”, which would not have been able to fight effectively with the communist regime without external help. Belarus’s dictatorship is the only one left in Europe.

What is your assessment of the Polish government’s support?
I believe that Poland is doing a lot under a number of wide-ranging programs of assistance. I will just recall the help given our students who were expelled from their colleges: they are now studying at colleges in Poland. In addition, assistance to victims of repression, the setting up of the radio “Radio Racja” and the TV channel for Belarus, which I hope will start transmitting next year.

Is the radio’s reception good everywhere?
The power of Radio Racja’s transmitters is still weak and there are technical problems. The program is broadcast on medium wave, which gives bad reception in towns. We are waiting until the radio will also be found in the FM band. Then, at least in the towns along the border, Radio Racja will become the source of important information from the free world.

What is the social and political role of the Union of Poles in Belarus?
The Union of Poles was the largest non-governmental organisation in Belarus and had 25-30 thousand members. Now, after the split and the change of the management committee by the authorities in Minsk to a subservient one, it is difficult to give an exact figure. The genuine Union of Poles is an example of a self-governing organisation set up by people and not by the authorities, as most often happens in Belarus. Lukaszenko’s battles with the Poles are similar to repressing the movements for democracy in Belarus. The Union always fought not only for the rights of Poles but also for human rights for the Belarussians. Many Poles are very active in the democratic movements in Belarus. And I thank them for it. I am a Belarussian, but I have also been given the privilege of honorary membership of the Union of Poles.

When do you think that the end will come to the persecution of Angelica Borys, the previous and democratically elected leader of the Union of Poles, who was replaced by a Pole subservient to Lukaszenko’s regime?
Only when democracy prevails in Belarus. The regime cannot tolerate independent people of Angelica’s standing. The fight will be more and more bitter, because the regime is losing its support in society, so it is raising the level of repression.

Is there a split in the Union of Poles?
In the process of reawakening Polish national consciousness but also that of the Belarussians and other nations, the effects become apparent of the many years of Soviet indoctrination. Many Poles have a very Polish perception of their history and their nationhood. But there are also many “homo Sovieticus”, in other words people who gave in to the Soviet way of thinking. And the division runs between them. The former are on Angelica Borys’s side.

What is the mood of society in Belarus?
After this year’s presidential election, public feeling has returned to a more democratic stance, fortunately. Citizens began to believe that they can change things through campaigning. The majority of people managed to overcome their fear and got off their knees. This was the big success of this year. In order not to lose this feeling, or waste this energy, continuous work is required. What is required is work not only in society, politics and information provision but also assisting those who have been persecuted. It is important that society sees that we do not forget such people.

Are you only involved in politics or are you also working professionally?
Five years ago I was still able to lecture at Grodno University, as well as be active in the political opposition. Today, this is absolutely impossible. Everybody who is in the social or political opposition is living under the threat of being dismissed from work.

Where did you learn such good Polish?
I was born in Grodno into a family which spoke Polish. Before World War II, my parents lived for a while in Bielany in Warsaw, where they cooperated with Janusz Korczak, amongst others. My father studied at Warsaw University and later on taught at the Stefan Batory secondary school.

Thank you for talking.

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